Better late than never

“There is a higher court than courts of justice and that is the court of conscience. It supersedes all other courts.”

—Mahatma Gandhi

By Alex P. Vidal

THE guilty verdict came 10 years after the grisly massacre happened; when some people have forgotten how the 58 non-combatant civilians, including 32 media workers, were killed and why they were murdered like animals in Maguindanao.

It would have been sweeter, to say the least, if the historic reclusion perpetua or life imprisonment verdict came at least eight years earlier, when the alleged massacre “godfather” Ampatuan, Sr., Sen. Manny Pacquiao’s former mahjong partner, was still alive.

But nonetheless the long wait is over and, while others are saying that “justice delayed is justice denied,” some are also declaring that “it’s better late then never.”

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Remembering our Capitol press corps days in the early 90’s, the gory massacre of our colleagues on November 23, 2009 had terrible effects on me personally as a media worker.

The scenario was very familiar: they were on a van escorting the wife of a gubernatorial candidate and her entourage when waylaid by more than 100 armed men led by the powerful political clan Ampatuan in a secluded area.

When members of the entourage were wiped out by a hail of bullets, our colleagues in Mindanao were also shot execution style one after another.

We also used to go out-of-town in a van or as a group in Iloilo, Capiz, Aklan, Antique, Guimaras, among other provinces in Western Visayas and Negros to cover important events and conflicts involving feuding political clans, groups and the encounters between the military and the insurgency.

We faced the same danger our murdered colleagues had gone through before they were killed violently, but were just lucky we didn’t end up as collateral victims or intended targets of violence on several occasions.

We were just fortunate our politicians and military officials did not have the kind of mentality of the dreaded Ampatuans. 

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Before checking the updates on the Ampatuan massacre verdict, I was monitoring since morning the intense and fiery debates between the Democrats and Republicans in the US House of Representatives during the impeachment of President Donald Trump.

The House finally voted to impeach President Trump on both articles of impeachment, abuse of power and obstruction of Congress.

The votes came after weeks of testimony related to the President’s dealings with Ukraine and hours of fiery debate over the process.

Some of the highlights were: dozens of congresspeople uttered tens of thousands of words during the marathon debate; President Trump a rambling six-page letter December 17 to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, calling Congress’ impeachment inquiry a partisan “crusade,” an “unprecedented and constitutional abuse of power” and a “spiteful” “election-nullification scheme”; the House Judiciary Committee released its full 658-page report just after midnight Sunday, in which the majority calls President Trump the “Framers’ worst nightmare.”

(The author, who is now based in New York City, used to be the editor of two local dailies in Iloilo)

  

UNITY STATEMENT ON THE THIRD YEAR SINCE THE AMPATUAN MASSACRE AND THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL DAY TO END IMPUNITY:

Gov't policies, politics, inaction delay justice for Maguindanao martyrs 


THE FAMILIES of the 58 victims of the Nov. 23, 2009 Ampatuan Massacre are starting to lose hope in the justice system, and the government has only itself to blame.
As we commemorate the third anniversary of the Ampatuan Massacre, where 32 journalists and media workers were among the murdered, only two of the eight Ampatuan clan members in jail have been arraigned. Some witnesses have died. Some relatives of the victims have fled their hometowns following receipt of death threats.
In August 2010, President Benigno S. Aquino III promised five crucial reforms to help speed up the quest for justice. Among these were improvements to the Witness Protection Program, the formation of quick-response teams to investigate media killings, measures to speed up the pace of the trial, and a review of the Rules of Court to mitigate possible abuse and manipulation.
The problems raised are hardly imaginary. As a Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility (CMFR) study shows, some 100 warlords continue to rule areas in the country that have chalked up the most number of media killings.
Even as fear of reprisals continue to haunt witnesses and plaintiffs in the case, the government of Mr. Aquino and other major political parties in the country have embraced the Ampatuan clan.
At least 72 Ampatuan clan members are candidates in the May 2013 elections, nine of them running under the Liberal Party, and 34 others under the United Nationalist Alliance of Vice President Jejomar Binay.
The big number of candidates from the clan bares an intact financial and power infrastructure. In fact, the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) shows that Andal Ampatuan Jr. has managed to sell eight prime properties, an outrage when the government has pledged to forfeit wealth that multiplied many times as the clan consolidated its powers with help from successive administrations that wooed the clan’s formidable voting machine.
Nov. 23 is also the International Day to end Impunity. A Southeast Asian Press Alliance report shows the Philippines, supposedly the region’s most vibrant democracy, remains the most dangerous place for journalists.
A total of 153 journalists have been killed since 1986. Of these, at least 14 had been murdered during the administration of Mr. Aquino. Of the total cases, only 10 cases have won partial convictions. No mastermind has ever been brought to trial.
A survey of all cases of media killings will show that half of the suspects are state actors – policemen, soldiers, and elected officials. The Aquino administration’s embrace of a clan long known for warlordism only highlights how state policy can fuel impunity.
Aside from the killings, Mr. Aquino has consistently exhibited a penchant for proposals to curtail press freedom and freedom of expression.
Despite his avowed pledge to implement “tuwid na daan,” he has reneged on a promise to prioritize the passage of the Freedom of Information bill – an initiative that could help his government fullfil its promise to rid the country of corruption.
What he has supported instead is the patently unconstitutional Cybercrime Prevention Act, a law which grants the state draconian powers to crack down on dissent and critical expression on digital space.
Lately, the President has even mentioned in glowing terms the Right to Reply initiative, which would force the press to hand over its space to the whims of politicians and other powerful individuals and groups seeking to manage the flow of information.
Taken together, the acts of commission and omission by the Aquino administration betray sheer lip service to justice and press freedom, and a dangerous tendency to sacrifice both to the exigencies of power.

Signed:

Center for Community Journalism and Development
Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility
Freedom Fund for Filipino Journalists
National Union of Journalists of the Philippines
Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism
Philippine Press Institute
University of the Philippines-College of Mass Communication